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(Source: pamyuse, via myloveisaverb)

Israel tech site paying “interns” to covertly plant stories in social media


Israel21c is part of propaganda efforts aimed to improve Israel’s image and distract from Israel’s occupation, abuse and massacres of Palestinians.

Israel21c claims on its “About” page that it has “placed more than 10,000” such stories in the press around the world, including the BBCThe New York TimesAPReuters,CNN and Al Jazeera, “as well as top blogs, Huffington Post, Treehugger, MedGadget and Gizmodo.”

(via wrcsolace)




(via b-binaohan)

"Recently an Instagram video circulated of a Ferguson protester discussing the looting and burning of the QuikTrip convenience store. He retorts the all too common accusation thrown at rioters: “People wanna say we destroying our own neighborhoods. We don’t own nothing out here!” This is the crux of the matter, and could be said of most majority black neighborhoods in America, which have much higher concentrations of chain stores and fast food restaurants than non-black neighborhoods. The average per capita income in Ferguson, MO is less than $21,000, and that number almost certainly gets lower if you remove the 35% white population of Ferguson from the equation. How could the average Ferguson resident really say it’s “our QuikTrip”? Indeed, although you might hang out in it, how can a chain convenience store or corporate restaurant earnestly be part of anyone’s neighborhood? The same white liberals who inveigh against corporations for destroying local communities are aghast when rioters take their critique to its actual material conclusion."

- Willie Osterweil, “In Defense of Looting” (x), The New Inquiry . 8/21/14 (via desdeotromar)

(via notime4yourshit)

"For parts of the black elite such as the clergy, the ministerial practice of “easing community tensions” has always meant accommodation of black life to the existing forms of domination. Similarly, the independent merchants and professionals owed their relatively comfortable position within the black community to the special, captive markets created by segregation. Moreover, in the role of “responsible Negro spokesmen,” this sector was able to elicit considerable politesse, if not solicitousness, from “enlightened” members of the white elite. Interracial “cooperation” on policy matters was thus smoothly accomplished, and the “public interest” seemed to be met simply because opposition to white ruling group initiatives had been effectively neutralized. The activating factor in this management relation was a notion of “Negro leadership” (later “black” or even “Black”) that was generated outside the black community. A bitter observation made from time to time by the radical fringe of the movement was that the social category “leaders” seemed only to apply to the black community. No “white leaders” were assumed to represent a singular white population. But certain blacks were declared opinion-makers and carriers of the interests of an anonymous black population. These “leaders” legitimated their role through their ability to win occasional favors from powerful whites and through the status positions they already occupied in the black community."


Adolph Reed Jr., Black Particularity Reconsidered (1979)

Certainly, the bizarre notion of black leadership was not an invention of the post-war era. That strategy of pacification had been the primary non-terroristic means for subduing black opposition since Booker T. Washington. Moreover, the notion of a leadership stratum which was supposed to speak for a monolithic black community became the ideological model and political ideal for 1960s radicalism — especially in its “nationalist” variants. -Reed